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A new kind of data even emerged: Two types of errors were generated in the experiments, false alarms and misses, just as the statistical theory distinguishes two types of error. As far as I can tell, the idea of generating these two kinds of data (errors) was not common before. The discovery of TSD was not motivated by new data; rather, the new theory motivated a new kind of data. In fact, in their seminal paper, Tanner and Swets (1954, p. , Lopes, 1982). My second example concerns theories of causal reasoning.

Almost from its beginnings, modern psychological practice embarked on its characteristic bifurcation into experimentation, which sought to maximize the demonstration of manipulative effects, and mental testing, which sought to minimize such effects. All that this meant was that the manipulation involved in the construction and standardization of tests and testlike instruments remained relatively hidden. The categories of this branch of psychology, including such well-known examples as "intelligence," "test anxiety," and personality "traits," were, if anything, even more closely tied to specific psychological practices than the categories of the experimentalist.

But in order to count, there must be something to count, there must be information in a form that lends itself to counting. " They can be used without directly affecting the behavior of any human individual, as in the content analysis of texts, but much more frequently in psychology their application involves a profound influence on the behavior of experimental subjects. They agree to limit themselves to responses of "equal" or "unequal," "greater" or "smaller," for example. My purpose in emphasizing this well-known state of affairs is not to argue against the use of quantitative data in psychology.