By A.L. Epstein
In social anthropology, as in different branches of technological know-how, there's a shut courting among learn equipment and theoretical difficulties. Advancing conception and shifts in orientation cross hand in hand with the improvement of options and jointly impact each other. If the advance of contemporary social anthropology owes a lot to its validated culture of fieldwork, it's also transparent that the systems that anthropological fieldwork should still persist with within the laboratory can by no means be prescribed in absolute phrases nor turn into utterly standardized.
but as anthropological research is subtle, it turns into more and more very important that scholars within the box pay attention to the necessity to gather easy sorts of information, and understand how to set approximately doing so. during this quantity, anthropologists who've labored heavily jointly for a few years on the Rhodes- Livingstone Institute for Social learn, Lusaka, and/or within the division of Social Anthropology, collage of Manchester, speak about inside of a standard framework smooth fieldwork equipment as instruments for analyzing a few difficulties of present anthropological interest.
Elizabeth Colson, J. Clyde Mitchell, and J. A. Barnes tension facets of the function of quantification in social anthropology and point out a variety of difficulties that may be illuminated via quantitative concepts. equivalent value is connected via all members to the gathering and research of precise case fabric, a subject matter explored in J. van Velsen’s essay. A. L. and T. S. Epstein, V. W. Turner, and M. G. Marwick ponder the categories of information suitable to anthropological dialogue within the fields of economics, legislations, ritual, and witchcraft, and the equipment in which such fabric should be accumulated. the amount is brought by way of Max Gluckman, former director of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute and previous head of the dep. of social anthropology and sociology, college of Manchester.
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Additional resources for The Craft of Social Anthropology
One owed allegiance to a rain shrine or set of shrines, and there was community-wide participation in the rain and harvest rites, while in the other few concerned themselves with the local rain shrine or with the rites connected with it. One was considered by the Tonga to be a conservative area where old customs were still followed, the other was considered to be a progressive area where the people were trying to be like Europeans. The two areas lay about thirteen miles apart, and many of the people in the progressive area had originally come from the conservative one.
17 Orientations and Techniques that statistics are 'still generally avoided to-day like the mother-in-law [though] the attitude towards [them] is gradually shifting from one of hostility towards one of respect' (1953, p. 54). But McEwen, writing a decade later (1963, p. 161), was constrained to observe that, in spite of recent developments in the use of statistical methods among anthropologists, 'traditional scepticism of formal methods still appears dominant'. The collection of quantitative material in anthropological fieldwork has increased considerably during the last twenty years but its origins go back farther.
Today I find that when I make a statement about the Tonga I am inclined first to check it against the material drawn from the census to see whether or not I am coming anywhere near the facts of the case. Impressions can be thoroughly wrong; so can the statements of informants. Getting out the material to check one's statements from the census forms may consume a good deal of time, but it also gives one some assurance that the statement is reasonably accurate, at least for the particular small group with which one has been dealing.